Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

250 years ago, on March 23, 1775, Real Federalist (aka “Anti-Federalist”) Patrick Henry gave his famous speech, “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” to the First Continental Congress.

After a decade of tyrannical actions by King George III, from the Stamp Act that was repealed due to American outrage, but then replaced with a more encumbering Declaratory Act of 1766, or the Intolerable Acts to the Quartering Acts, to name only a few examples by the King and his cronies (i.e., General Gage’s brutal reign in Massachusetts), Patrick Henry was so done with British tyranny.

Henry understood that God gave us our freedom through natural law like so many other American patriots understood as well.

Today, too many Americans do not believe in God, so the idea of natural law is a headscratcher. As a result, they do not understand that when Thomas Jefferson said “all men are created equal” in the Declaration of Independence, he meant that all men are created equal in the eyes of our Creator, God - thus it does not mean that we are equal in personhood. That is a significant difference, yet this concept is lost on too many Americans today.

Ignorant voters vote for bad leaders who promise them free crumbs, and for some reason, some people would rather eat free, stale crumbs rather than work for their own tastier, whole-grain nourishing bread earned by their own labor.

Add to that layer that America is now a spiritually vacuous society, We the People no longer protect our own children (i.e., human trafficking and gender affirming “care” for minors, which is child abuse), so we find ourselves in 21^st century America, where a parent like Scott Smith is labeled a “domestic terrorist” and arrested for speaking out to the denying and unrepentant school board who allowed a boy in a dress to be in the same school bathroom with his 15-year old daughter, who was then SODOMIZED forcibly by the boy. I can’t even imagine the torture of feeling that type of pain against the lost innocence of my child by those trusted to protect her during school hours.

It is a fact that democracies die from the ignorance of its voters who want free stuff – through either individual welfare or corporate welfare - and fortunately enough, enough pissed-off Americans voted in 2024 to end this madness. Shew.

Yet still, there is violent resistance by the ignorant because democrats and RINOs want to continue squandering the dollars we no longer have.

The premise for limited government is simple: human nature is self-serving, always, and that’s part of our survival as a species. When politicians are placed in power, politicians grab more for themselves, especially those who do not wear a “God-Go Pro” – believing that God is watching over our actions. Therefore, the bigger the government, the bigger the corruption. It’s not rocket science. And, unless we address the deficiencies within the Constitution (which is another article coming soon to an inbox near you), we will end up bankrupt like our democratic predecessors.

We Americans have been Squandering Our American Inheritance for too many decades now and with the current leadership we have to reduce the size of the federal government, there is hope that we do not have to die to fight for our cherished freedom, and our children may possibly have a better future and live in a prosperous country that values our unique Bill of Rights.

President Trump knows that if we do not correct the course immediately, we will drown in our own decadence, along with our 37 trillion dollars of debt.

But change is difficult and rocky. Buckle up.

Although those of us who believe in God know that when it’s our time, death is inevitable and death is nothing to fear, still, let us hope and pray that our death is not part of the deal for the freedom of our children’s children.

Here is the full text of Patrick Henry’s amazing March 23, 1775 speech:

NO man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country.

Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth - and listen to the song of the siren [a reference to Homer’s epic tale, The Odyssey] till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house?

Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations [by the British] which cover our waters and darken our land.

Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation - the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.

And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain.

Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?

Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned - we have remonstrated - we have supplicated - we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free - if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending - if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained - we must fight!

I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak - unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of Hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.

Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.

Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged, their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable - and let it come!

I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace - but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have?

Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!